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utility price cuts and the effects of increased competition on retailers' margins - which would tend to
reduce RPIX inflation, and it was unclear to what extent these were incorporated into wage bargainers'
inflation expectations.
4 Second, the rapid growth in consumption in Q1 and Q2 partly reflected recovery from the slowdown
last autumn, when confidence had been hit by the shocks to the world economy and international
financial markets. Third, consumer spending growth earlier in the year had partly been accounted for
by an earlier-than-usual spike in car sales, reflecting changes in the timing of new registrations. That
was expected to unwind in the second half of the year. Retail sales growth appeared, however, to have
strengthened during the year according to data for Q3 and some surveys, so that overall consumption
growth might not slow much. Moreover, strong output growth in Q3, evidence of strong tax receipts
(including corporate taxes), and the relative strength of household money and credit growth and of the
housing market suggested that strong final domestic demand growth might have continued beyond the
first half of the year.
5 There were, though, some possible indications that consumption growth had steadied. Indicators of
retail sales in Q4 appeared firm, but probably not more so than during Q3. Both the CBI Distributive
Trades Survey and the CIPS Services Index pointed to a moderation of activity. Consumer confidence
measures were positive but had been steady for about eight months, and in particular had not been
driven upwards along with the rapid rise in house prices. And some indicators of housing market
activity, such as particulars delivered, had ticked down slightly over the past two months. The
Committee judged, however, that the recent strength in house prices would tend to support continuing
buoyant consumption growth. House prices were generally expected to continue rising over the next
year or so at an annual rate which was higher than mortgage interest rates. In the view of some
members, the resulting negative own-real rate of interest should, other things being equal, make house
purchase attractive. This could alternatively be thought of as expected real capital gains more than
offsetting the real cost of borrowing (measured by mortgage interest rates less expected consumer price
inflation).
6 Other parts of the economy were, however, facing quite different own-real interest rates. In
particular, the nominal cost of borrowing for companies was still considerably higher than
manufacturing output price inflation, which might hold back investment spending.
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